Archimedes Essays (910 words) - Archimedes, Buoyancy, Eureka

Archimedes Archimedes is considered one of the three greatest mathematicians of all time along with Newton and Gauss. In his own time, he was known as the wise one, the master and the great geometer and his works and inventions brought him fame that lasts to this very day. He was one of the last great Greek mathematicians. Born in 287 B.C., in Syracuse, a Greek seaport colony in Sicily, Archimedes was the son of Phidias, an astronomer. Except for his studies at Euclid's school in Alexandria, he spent his entire life in his birthplace. Archimedes proved to be a master at mathematics and spent most of his time contemplating new problems to solve, becoming at times so involved in his work that he forgot to eat. Lacking the blackboards and paper of modern times, he used any available surface, from the dust on the ground to ashes from an extinguished fire, to draw his geometric figures. Never giving up an opportunity to ponder his work, after bathing and anointing himself with olive oil, he would trace figures in the oil on his own skin. Much of Archimedes fame comes from his relationship with Hiero, the king of Syracuse, and Gelon, Hiero's son. The great geometer had a close friendship with and may have been related to the monarch. In any case, he seemed to make a hobby out of solving the king's most complicated problems to the utter amazement of the sovereign. At one time, the king ordered a gold crown and gave the goldsmith the exact amount of metal to make it. When Hiero received it, the crown had the correct weight but the monarch suspected that some silver had been used instead of the gold. Since he could not prove it, he brought the problem to Archimedes. One day while considering the question, the wise one entered his bathtub and recognized that the amount of water that overflowed the tub was proportional the amount of his body that was submerged. This observation is now known as Archimedes' Principle and gave him the means to solve the problem. He was so excited that he ran naked through the streets of Syrac use shouting Eureka! eureka! (I have found it!). The fraudulent goldsmith was brought to justice. Another time, Archimedes stated Give me a place to stand on and I will move the earth. King Hiero, who was absolutely astonished by the statement, asked him to prove it. In the harbor was a ship that had proved impossible to launch even by the combined efforts of all the men of Syracuse. Archimedes, who had been examining the properties of levers and pulleys, built a machine that allowed him the single-handedly move the ship from a distance away. He also had many other inventions including the Archimedes' watering screw and a miniature planetarium. Though he had many great inventions, Archimedes considered his purely theoretical work to be his true calling. His accomplishments are numerous. His approximation of between 3-1/2 and 3-10/71 was the most accurate of his time and he devised a new way to approximate square roots. Unhappy with the unwieldy Greek number system, he devised his own that could accommodate larger numbers more easily. He invented the entire field of hydrostatics with the discovery of the Archimedes' Principle. However, his greatest invention was integral calculus. To determine the area of sections bounded by geometric figures such as parabolas and ellipses, Archimedes broke the sections into an infinite number of rectangles and added the areas together. This is known as integration. He also anticipated the invention of differential calculus as he devised ways to approximate the slope of the tangent lines to his figures. In addition, he also made many other discoveries in geometry, mechanics and other fields. The end of Archimedes life was anything but uneventful. King Hiero had been so impressed with his friend's inventions that he persuaded him to develop weapons to defend the city. These inventions would prove quite useful. In 212 B.C., Marcellus, a Roman general, decided to conquer Syracuse with a full frontal assault on both land and sea. The Roman legions were routed. Huge catapults hurled 500 pound boulders at the soldiers; large cranes with

Free Essays on The Painted Door

The Painted Door Of the many different mood disorders, depression is the most common, and one of the most misunderstood. While modern research indicated that brain chemical imbalances cause the condition, many people still believe that chronic depression indicates a weak personality or character flaw. This makes seeking help difficult as people hesitate before admitting this weakness, however healing only starts with learning to recognize the symptoms. â€Å"The Painted Door’s,† Ann, demonstrates many qualities that lead the reader to believe such disorder is present. Ann is so unhappy due to her dissatisfaction with her lifestyle, her frustration with her husband, and the inner conflict she experiences. In the first instance, it’s quite clear that Ann is not satisfied with her lifestyle. When John first decides to go visit his father, Ann is quick to explain how lonely she gets while alone in the house. Even though staying home alone is a regular occurrence for her, it’s not something she’s necessarily gotten used to. Ann tries to explain this to John but he doesn’t understand, so she finally gives up; â€Å"Pay no attention to me. Seven years a farmer’s wife– it’s time I was used to staying home alone† Also, Ann comes to the realization that they are on a path of never ending routine. Each day consists of labour, day in, day out, with nothing to look forward to. Unfortunately, this isn’t good enough for Ann; â€Å"She was young still, eager for excitement and distractions† Regrettably, these desires of hers are not ones easily fulfilled as a farmer’s wife. Ann is a sociable person but doesn’t get out as much as she’d like. The labour involved in such a lifestyle is constant without much change. All of these norms of being a farmer’s wife are still estranged to Ann, and she doesn’t seem willing to settle for it anymore. The dissatisfaction she holds towards her lifestyle contributes to her unhappine... Free Essays on The Painted Door Free Essays on The Painted Door The Painted Door Of the many different mood disorders, depression is the most common, and one of the most misunderstood. While modern research indicated that brain chemical imbalances cause the condition, many people still believe that chronic depression indicates a weak personality or character flaw. This makes seeking help difficult as people hesitate before admitting this weakness, however healing only starts with learning to recognize the symptoms. â€Å"The Painted Door’s,† Ann, demonstrates many qualities that lead the reader to believe such disorder is present. Ann is so unhappy due to her dissatisfaction with her lifestyle, her frustration with her husband, and the inner conflict she experiences. In the first instance, it’s quite clear that Ann is not satisfied with her lifestyle. When John first decides to go visit his father, Ann is quick to explain how lonely she gets while alone in the house. Even though staying home alone is a regular occurrence for her, it’s not something she’s necessarily gotten used to. Ann tries to explain this to John but he doesn’t understand, so she finally gives up; â€Å"Pay no attention to me. Seven years a farmer’s wife– it’s time I was used to staying home alone† Also, Ann comes to the realization that they are on a path of never ending routine. Each day consists of labour, day in, day out, with nothing to look forward to. Unfortunately, this isn’t good enough for Ann; â€Å"She was young still, eager for excitement and distractions† Regrettably, these desires of hers are not ones easily fulfilled as a farmer’s wife. Ann is a sociable person but doesn’t get out as much as she’d like. The labour involved in such a lifestyle is constant without much change. All of these norms of being a farmer’s wife are still estranged to Ann, and she doesn’t seem willing to settle for it anymore. The dissatisfaction she holds towards her lifestyle contributes to her unhappine...

Alcan Paper Five Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Alcan Paper Five - Essay Example The enterprise has operating facilities across 61 countries with a work force of about 68,000 employees (Dube, Bernier, & Roy, 2009). The organization takes the leading position in production of raw materials, fabricated products and primary metals. The enterprise is involved in creating and selling of a variety of products, which include bauxite, automobile iron, sheet ingot, aluminum recycling services, forging stock (INDUSTRY CANADA, 2005). This paper explores a report of Alcan based on the case studies. The report discusses the application of Information Technology within the Alcan organization and it is a summary of issues addressed in part 1 to part four all of which focused on the Alcan. It addresses a range of issues that concerns Alcan Organization. The issues of concern include the General Systems, Theory and Social-Technical Theory, Organizational Success, Failures and Consequences, Communication Policies, STS Practices, and application of theories within the Organization, the Alcan’s organization and operating technology, technological contributions to the organization, dominant Information Technology strategies and practices, technological barriers or success, the Alcan’s business continuity plan, the company’s organization and operating technology, technological contributions to the organization, dominant Information Technology strategies and practices, technological barriers disaster recovery plan, and business continuity plan. Organization Environment. Alcan Organization has operating facilities across 61 countries with a work force of about 68,000 employees. It has four principal business groups which are: Bauxite and Alumina, Primary Metal, packaging and the engineered products. The four business groups are the main revenue contributors for the organization (Dube, Bernier, & Roy, 2009). The company sells a variety of products, which include bauxite, automobile iron, sheet ingot, aluminium recycling services, forging stock. It is extremely vertically integrated having eight mines and deposits, a transport network with ports and facilities, seven alumina plants, 26 aluminium smelters, 17 laminated products plants, 12 electric power plants, seven alumina refineries, 180 packaging materials plants and 49 engineered products plants (Dube, Bernier, & Roy, 2009). Organizational Structure. The senior management in Alcan Company consists of a CIO and four associates (Dube, Bernier, & Roy, 2009). These associates include: Strategic IT-Program director, Chief information-security- officer director, performance-management director, and the Enterprise Architectural director. Next to these are two services that are shared. One service is for the application, and the next is for infrastructure. In the centre of the ladder, there are different business groups of Information Technology directors. Each business group is headed by an IT director referred to as VP (Dube, Bernier, & Roy, 2009). Challenges Faced by Alcan Organization. Alcan organization is faced with various environmental, economical, social as well as technological challenges. The environmental challenges facing Alcan include sustainable raw material development, industrial waste, air emissions, and water. The company overcomes this challenge by developing a clean manufacturing process and designing a method of recycling the waste products (Foster, 2005). Economic Challenges in Alcan include high costs due to funds misappropriation in the company, ineffective and inefficiency business

Evaluation of DHS's Ethics, Cooperation, Leadership, and Legal Research Paper

Evaluation of DHS's Ethics, Cooperation, Leadership, and Legal Decisions - Research Paper Example Investigations by the DHS are still ongoing, while other stakeholders in the incident representing the government have taken preventive measures. For example, Mungin & Brady (2013) write that Connecticut governor, Dannel Malloy signed a law increasing the number of guns banned by the state. In addition, background checks are to be conducted on all gun purchases, and schools allocated 15 million U.S dollars to improve their security. Parents of the murdered children, as well as other residents of Connecticut welcomed the law and called for tougher regulations to curb illegal gun possession (Mungin & Brady, 2013). On 16th April 2013, two bombs exploded at the finish line of the Boston marathon, killing three people and injuring 100 others. Two brothers were suspected of being behind the bombings and one is in custody, while the other was shot dead in a shootout with police, when the latter were looking for the suspect. According to Homeland Security (2013), Mr. McCaul, the chairman of the House Homeland Security Committee, the two brothers appear to have received help in planning the attack. The sophistication of the devices used and the timing of the attack led to this conclusion. Accordingly, investigations into the attack cover areas outside the U.S, particularly Pakistan and Afghanistan. On its part, the federal government pledged to get to the bottom of the matter, but president Obama avoided terming the attacks as â€Å"terrorism†. To the public, a day of celebrations turned tragic, especially considering that the marathoners had paid tribute to the victims of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting at the beginning of the race. According to the Center for Public Integrity’s article by Fred Schulte on â€Å"ATF’s struggle to close down firearm dealers† (2013), the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) does a shoddy job inspecting dealers. Apparently, ATF inspectors may delay to inspect a dealer for as long as eight years and when they do, the inspection is not thorough enough. In cases where inspectors find dealers to have violated gun laws and revoke the dealer’s licenses, the latter usually appeals revocation. This process drags in the courts for years and meanwhile, dealers pass their business over to relatives or turn them into â€Å"personal† collection, which does not require background checks. Probably, this is the reason why people like Adam Lanza owned guns capable of killing more than 26 people in 5 minutes. There is no telling how many more people own guns illegally, and how safe the U.S citizens are. A second article by Berlow on â€Å"current gun debate may not help beleaguered ATF† addresses how the congress has played a role in ATF’s failure to control weapon use, particularly in conducting investigations. It also addresses the fact that the agency lacks funds to run operations smoothly. In addition, the current laws are too weak to recognize the role of TF in cases involving gun trafficking. Leadership influences The leadership of DHS is hierarchical in structure, headed by the Secretary of Homeland Security, who is appointed by the President, with the consent of the senate. The Deputy Secretary comes second, followed by Under Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries who head different departments. This style of leadership allows for the formation of mechanism to assess risks, and allocate funds for countering terrorism.

BUS LAW wk3 dq Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

BUS LAW wk3 dq - Assignment Example Rudy becomes irate and tells Marie she will be hearing from his attorney. Is there an enforceable contract in this situation? Identify and discuss the elements of a valid contract and predict whether Rudy can legally compel Marie to surrender the paint sprayer.   No, there was no enforceable contract since Marie and Rudy did not have a written agreement which transferred the paint sprayer to Rudy. An enforceable contract would require two important aspects that are associated with statue of frauds and concept of acceptance. Hence, in this case if one party only agreed to the contract without signing it, Rudy cannot legally compel Marie to give her paint sprayer. aâ‚ ¬? Felipe Underwood is a famous artist whose portraits are in demand nationwide. Doris Williams thinks it will give her prestige to own an Underwood portrait, so she pays Felipe $50,000 to paint her portrait from a photograph. Unknown to Doris, Felipe gives the photograph to Malina because he has accepted another com mission to paint the portrait of the president, and Malina completes the portrait. When Doris has a party to unveil her portrait, an art critic guest tells her that although the portrait is painted in the Underwood style, it is a fake. Dorisaâ‚ ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s attorney files suit against Felipe for breach of contract and for seeking specific performance.

Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System

Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system This report considers recent research evidence related to inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, in relation to social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system. A definition of inclusive education relevant to early educational practice will be offered. A literature review will be undertaken, that will principally examine the size of the social class differences amongst young children, and will go on to consider a case study of inclusive practice that was implemented at one English primary school. Recommendations for future research are made. Introduction Since the publication of the Plowden Report in 1967, it has been apparent that social class has a profound effect on the educational achievement of primary school children. In the past two decades, there have been a number of specific legislative changes that have altered the shape of primary school education. With the Education Reform Act(1988), schools have been required to undertake standardised testing of7 year old children in English, Mathematics and Science subjects. Furthermore, schools have been required to publish controversial ‘league tables’ of performance, alongside national averages, in their school prospectus publications. There have been several policies introduced to reduce the effects of deprivation on young children including Sure Start, and a planned widening of availability of nursery education all in the name of ‘inclusive education’ (Barnes, Belsky,Broomfield, Dave et al, 2004, p 46-9). Indeed, Geertz (2001) has argued that New Labour policy makers strive to â€Å"make all families like middle-class families, or at least the ideal-typical middle class family of much educational research† (p 7). However, there is surprisingly little empirical research evidence available on inclusive education, or equality of opportunity in early educational settings, with most studies focussing on secondary school children. This is also regrettable since Sammons and Sees (1998) have clearly shown that at the age of seven, prior attainment accounts for 26-43% of variance in national assessment results (p 389 – 407). Therefore, early teaching support of children with special educational needs, or affected by poverty or difficult personal circumstances would appear to be of immense importance to prevent children who start school behind their peers from falling further behind as their school careers progress. This report will critically assess available empirical studies related to the education of children aged 7 years and below within the United Kingdom. Furthermore, it will examine theoretical and philosophical perspectives on early inclusive education, and make recommendations for further research. Method The search strategy employed for the literature review involved searching electronic bibliographical databases for relevant research and policy papers related to the topic of inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, and social class issues with English school pupils aged 7 and under. No date restrictions were imposed on the searches, although most papers that were located and subsequently considered in this literature review were published in the 1990’s and2000’s. The electronic bibliographical databases that were searched were ERIC, the British Education Index and Psych Lit. Abstracts for each paper were inspected on an individual basis to assess their relevance to the literature review. Research papers within the terms of the literature review were then obtained from various library sources. However, it was felt that much of the research on early inclusive education would be found in the grey literature. Therefore, the Education Line database of conference proceedings, provided by Leeds University, was also searched for relevant papers. Finally, a search of the websites of highly regarded academic educational research centres, and government official statistics, was undertaken and further relevant research reports were obtained this way. Literature Review Although ‘inclusive education’ has been the buzz word of the education sector for many years, there is a lack of clarity in its definition. It broadly includes reference to a schools receptivity to accommodate the needs of all its pupils, and be â€Å"more responsive to pupil diversity†(Fiorina, Rouse, Black-Hawkins and Jull (2004), p 118). Furthermore, Fiorina et al (2004) have argued that inclusion and achieving high standards are not necessarily mutually exclusive goals, with some schools achieving both (p 115). Stephen and Cope (2003) have further elaborated on the interpretation of inclusive education, drawing distinction between the individual model where the deprived pupil is seen as ‘the problem’ (p 274) to be moulded into the school system, towards a social model of inclusive education. The social model acknowledges that there may be individual characteristics of the child that need to be considered, but also consider the possible institutional and operational barriers that hinder children’s entry and integration into infant schools. In their study, children from middleclass homes were supported by parents when they started infant schoolboy practising numeracy and literacy at home, and through more proactive involvement in school activities (p 273). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have conducted a study of 25 practitioners working in three English LEA’s to assess what ‘inclusive education ‘development was possible in schools, and make sense of school responses to the inclusion agenda. Some teachers reported confusion over what ‘inclusive education’ was, since many official sources of information focussed on inclusion of children with special educational needs only(p 1). However, most teachers saw ‘inclusive education’ as provision for all children who were at risk of underachieving within the educational system, a version of inclusive education that is compatible with New Labour’s ‘social inclusion’ agenda ensuring that all members of society participate in the opportunities and activities of mainstream society (Blanket, 1999). A definition of inclusive education that attracted consensus amongst the teachers was â€Å"a set of broad values which we understood to be inclusive, and which we articulated as a commitment to equality, and increasing participation of all children (rather than one or other marginalised groups) in common education† (p 2). In synthesising research papers on social class related to early education, it is apparent that the term ‘social class’ has been interpreted in different ways by different authors. Sammons (1995) has highlighted that some researchers have attempted to â€Å"identify and separate the effects of different combinations of disadvantaging factors, noting that whilst not additive there is evidence of cumulative disadvantage (i.e. experiencing one factor such as low social class or low income on its own is less closely associated with low attainment than experiencing both these factors)† (p 467). Furthermore, Sparks (1999) has classified the different interpretations as including children from low income households, parental unemployment, paternal/ maternal occupation and inappropriate housing environment (p 10). She has examined research studies that look at each of these aspects, but only a few studies specifically examine the age range of 0 to 7 years. Pupils coming from a low income household, as indicated by eligibility for free school meals, appears to have marked effect on educational achievement at the age of 7 years and above (p 14). Furthermore, West, Pennell, West and Travers (1999) have shown that receipt of income support benefit by the household accounted for 66% of variance in educational achievement at a local authority level (p 10). Sparks (1999) has stated that â€Å"non-school factors are a more important source of variation in educational achievement than differences in the quality of education that students receive† (p 9).However, there is a broad consensus that schools can counteract some of the effects of social deprivation through inclusive educational practice. Indeed, empirical evidence suggests that schools have an independent effect of between 8% and 15%, and school effects are greater within the primary school sector (Reynolds, Sammons, Stoll, Barber et al, 1996 (p 140)). In the UK, research evidence on the effects of pre-school education are mixed (Sparks, 1999, p 12). However, research studies have indicated that when children receiving nursery education are compared to those receiving no nursery education, pre-school experience has a positive impact on achievement in national assessment tests at the age of seven (Sammons and Sees, 1998, p 400).However, poor families may not have access to quality services in areas where demand for nursery services is high. Middle class families, however, may have the advantage in that they can turn to the private sector provision where necessary. Smaller studies have shown an association between social class and early pupil attainment. However, stronger evidence is supplied by McCullum (1993) who compared aggregated Key Stage One results for local education authorities in England, against measures of social class obtained from the 1991 Social Census. This study clearly showed that social class, as evidenced through the number of social class 1 and 2individuals in the local population, showed a statistically significant and positive relationship with the Local Education Authority’s Key Stage One test scores, across all LEA’s sampled (p 95). Furthermore, Thomas (1995) has also shown how free school meal entitlement, and special educational needs, were strongly correlated with performance at Key Stage One (p 280). More recently, Sammons (1995) has studied 2000primary school children longitudinally at 50 ethnically diverse inner-city schools over a 9 year period. The children were monitored from the ages of 7 to 10 years. For the purpose of this report the results will be reported for the youngest of the cohort. The main purpose of the study was to assess primary schools effectiveness at developing cognitive and non-cognitive educational outcomes amongst children. Detailed records were kept on every child’s background characteristics such as ethnicity, socio-economic status and gender. For the purpose of the study, social class was measured as father’s occupation, and eligibility for free school meals. There were statistically significant differences in absolute attainment at ages 7, and above (p 479), with the biggest effect being in reading rather than mathematics performance. At 7 years, receiving free school meals accounted for just over 7% of variance in reading test performance, while having father working in an semi or unskilled profession accounted for 14.5%of variance, and having a father who was unemployed accounted for8.35%. However, for mathematics test performance, free school meals accounted for just 1.3% of variance, and having a father in a semi/unskilled profession accounted for 4.22% of variance while having father who was unemployed at the time of the study accounted for 2.57%of variance (p 471). This study was based on pupils attending primary schools in the decade of the 1980’s, and prior to the onset of the National Curriculum. It is the only longitudinal study of its kind that has been published using a British school population. With high statistical power afforded through the sample size, it is possible tube confident in the results. However, research studies are required that adopt a similar design but that are carried out now that the National Curriculum is an established format of educational provision within primary schools. Studies are also required that examine more dimensions of social class than the ‘outdated’ paternal occupation, and free school meals eligibility. In 1998, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority introduced a National Framework for Baseline Assessment for all pupils at the start of their school careers. The baseline assessment is a structured series of questions designed to assess pupils’ English ability, in terms of oral, reading and writing ability. In addition, early mathematical understanding is measured through a series of questions that require teachers to judge the ability of the child. Strand (1999) has studied the results of baseline testing of over 11,000 four year old children prior to their entry to primary school reception class. The data cover the period of 1993 to 1997, and are based at Wandsworth Local Education Authority in London. The results indicate that there are significant variations in baseline test score achievement based around a range of background factors such as age of child, gender, ethnicity and economic status. Measures of interest to the present literature review are length of preschool education by the pupil and entitlement to free school meals, which is the surrogate measure of social class used for baseline testing. Measures of attainment collected by the study were the LARR (Linguistic Awareness in Reading Readiness) test of emergent literacy and the teacher checklist described above. The results show statistically significant, strong correlations between school entrants on baseline measures and their subsequent overall Key Stage 1 achievement, in the region of 0.6 or above. Furthermore, the test battery are highly predictive of both English and Mathematics achievement in Key Stage 1 assessments in the individual subjects, with correlations in the region of 0.55 for mathematics, 0.55 for reading, and 0.49 for writing. The combination of the LARR objective measure of literacy, and the teacher checklist, together make the best overall indicator of later achievement for the children, compared to either test in isolation. Amount of preschool education received by children also significantly predicted Key Stage One achievement in all subjects. Furthermore, children in receipt of eligibility for free school meals were noted to score, on average, over five whole points less than their peers on baseline tests. Their mean scores were 29.7 (SD 11.4) compared to 34.9 (SD 12.2) for non-entitled children (p 20). In a further study, Strand (1997) tracked the educational progress of1669 Wands worth school children who had completed baseline assessments during 1992 and 1993. He considered the important of school effects, which is importance to social class considerations in the sense that schools are located in specific catchment areas that can be defined according the level of deprivation in the local community. The same assessment materials were used for this study as in Strand (1999). The pattern of achievement described for children eligible for free school meals at school entry was one where they started below other peers, in terms of baseline testing, and gradually fell further behind as time went by; as reflected in their Key Stage One performance (p 479). Composite measure of school effects of child performance at Key Stage One was taken to comprise of seven factors including gender ratio of school population, proportion of pupils with eligibility for free school meals and percentage of bilingual school pupils. Strand (1997)found that where there was a high rate of free school meal eligibility, this was one of the statistically significant factors, along with gender ratio and proportion of ESL pupils in school composite effects. â€Å"These compositional effects are significant even after each individual pupils baseline scores, sex, FSM entitlement and ESL background have been taken into account† (Strand, 1997, p 479). This means that school performance as a whole, as well as individual pupil progress, would appear to be associated with the proportion of free school meal claimants in the school population. Indeed, â€Å"It can be hypothesised that schools with a low proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils may have some benefits associated with their context: they may receive greater help from parents, have fewer disciplinary problems or an atmosphere more conducive to learning† (p 485). Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have considered how young children understand school, and how this is affected by socio-economic factors, along with gender and birth-order. They suggest, â€Å"The school constitutes, in microcosm, a multifaceted and multi-layered society with an extensive and complex system†¦in order to operate successfully in this system, the young pupil needs to acquire an understanding of the connections between such important system-concepts as rules, roles, power and community† (p 250). A total of 112 children were included in the study from the age of 5 and upwards, at two primary schools in London. The first school had a free school meal ratio of 3% and was therefore broadly classified as a middle class school. The second school had a much higher free school meal ratio of 49% and the intake population was largely working class. Parents and teachers completed questionnaires, and the children were interviewed about their understanding of the power structure in the school, and their attitudes towards their school. In general, young children had the most positive attitudes towards school of all children studied. Furthermore, there were no differences in the attitudes towards school by socio-economic class, but there was a significant correlation between child and parental views on the school. The importance of the head-teacher in the power structure was evident in the responses of all children, butane understanding of the purpose of the class teachers was patchy until the middle primary years. The researchers closely examined the responses of the children at both schools for social class effects on comprehension and understanding of the school. At the middle-class school, the responses of the children followed general age trend patterns where children’s knowledge and understanding increased with years. However, for the working-class school, the pattern of responses were more complicated. Children were much less likely to discuss the role of parents, and children in the organisation and function of school compared to children at the other school. This suggests that children are not feeling ‘included’ in school, with a strong sense of membership that children often report at the middle class school (p263). Examination of parental responses to the questionnaire revealed broadly similar responses between schools, but working class parents reported feeling more welcome at the school than middle class parents. As Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have suggested, â€Å"Since middleclass parents are likely to be readier to take issue, more assured of their ability to achieve their aims and better equipped to make their feelings known, it might be expected that the staff might be more wary of their interventions and less warm in their welcome. On the other hand, working class parents, without the same sense of empowerment, maybe seen as less threatening† (p 263). This is an important study in that it reveals age-trends in children’s understanding of school, and their place within the power structure and function of the school. According to Piaget cognitive theory, age-related differences in understanding are to be expected, as a combination of increased cognitive abilities with age. However, constructivism alone does not explain the individual differences in responses. The age related findings in the children’s responses may not be due to developmental changes in cognitive ability alone. In particular, social-interactional factors may have an important contribution to children’s understanding of the school, with parents, teachers and children’s interactions about the school being mediated by the age of the pupil. A social representation perspective would emphasise the individual differences in responses according to social class, gender and so forth (Elmer and Hana, 1993). However, this study showed that the acquisition of social knowledge and social understanding was more individual, than collective (p 265). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have provided a useful detailed case study of how inclusive education can work at improving primary schoolchildren’s educational achievements. They collected data from one primary school (‘Broad mead’) in an urban area, primarily serving families of the local council housing estate where the eligibility for free school meals was above national averages. The school decided to address the specific issue of underachievement in writing ability during Key Stage assessments. The school had identified a group of middle ability school pupils who were failing to meet national expectations. School staff did not feel that poor teaching maybe the cause of the problem, and many teachers cited specific and concerted efforts by teachers to improve writing standards using a range of teaching strategies. However, â€Å"the school’s response to the problem was to problematize some of its existing practices. To some extent, this appeared to be a result of the realisation that customary practice simply did not ‘work’ in the sense that despite all efforts to hone teaching skills, the school had apparently reached a ceiling in attainment† (p 3). The school had moved towards a more experimental approach in the curriculum, and included new teaching strategies to help pupil learning such as thinking skills techniques. However, the actual underlying purpose of introducing a specific intervention was unclear, with more emphasis on anxiety about school performance compared to national standards, as opposed to inclusion for all. Nevertheless, it represented a departure from standard practice. Over the course of the project, the experience of implementing new approaches and of their impact on children’s learning led teachers to rethink their ideas about educational/ personal outcomes that are important to children. The original aim had been to improve achievement standards in writing, but the intervention had also appeared to impact on child self-esteem, learning in other subject areas, and educational confidence. The teachers reported that they valued these additional attainments in their own right amongst their pupils. Teachers had identified that the children had very limited learning techniques and strategies, and had therefore decided to focus on teaching children how to learn, in parallel to the curriculum subjects. When the research team interviewed teachers about why they felt their pupils had struggled in writing skills, it was generally felt that the critical barrier to raising all aspects of literacy was due to the fact that children entered school with very limited language skills that affected their access to most subjects. The head teacher felt that ‘catch up ‘once they started school was insufficient to counter the effects of poor literacy environment at home, and lack of family communication about education at home. This lack of preparation for school was complicated by local cultural factors such as socialisation of boys from working class households into the role of the ‘northern lad’ who was expected to behave stereotypically, and not necessarily express an interest in education. In summary, â€Å"some children came to school from families where education was not valued, with limited experiences, and(particularly in primary schools) limited language skills† (p 5). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) provide two competing perspectives on the work at Broad mead primary school. In one sense, teachers were willing to implement new teaching strategies as they had ‘internalised’ the demands of the national curriculum and school assessment system, but also the characteristics of working class children that make them deficit (p 7). This could be regarded as anti-inclusive practice since it aimed to socialise working class children into middle class ideals. However, an alternative perspective on the work at Broadmeadis that the school resisted the pressure and constraints of current educational policy, and found time to try out alternative learning strategies, which children self-reported as beneficial. Furthermore, teachers’ deficit view of the working class children was increasingly challenged as they were equipped with new skills to allow them to demonstrate their true abilities. Conclusion Recent Government policy has moved towards emphasising inclusive education, particularly in the early years. However, there is a danger that policy will remain mere ‘rhetoric’ unless there is evidence based research to provide teachers with practical skills to provide equality of opportunity for their pupils. Research studies have consistently shown that working class children are regarded as the ‘problem’ that must be adapted to the middle class educational environment of the infant school classroom. However, a social model of inclusive education that acknowledges individual difficulties in adaptation, as well as institutional barriers to learning maybe a more constructive approach. Teachers working within English schools are constrained in the classroom by their need to meet national curriculum requirements, and achieve required standards from their pupils. Conversely, teachers recognise that some children enter infant school poorly prepared forth demands of formal education through their home backgrounds, and require additional support. Implementation of special strategies to enhance the language, communication and thinking skills of children, such as at Broad mead school, maybe one solution. However, children of lower social class backgrounds may require long term intervention if ‘inclusive education’ is truly ‘inclusive’ throughout their school careers. This literature review has revealed the lack of research studies to support teachers’ implementation of effective strategies to promote learning amongst young children from deprived backgrounds. To date, research studies have concentrated on identifying the size of the discrepancy in performance between school pupils. The next step is to develop longitudinal, vigorous research programmes within English infant schools to inform evidence-based teaching practice. Furthermore, there is a need to explore the concept of social class, and how it affects young children, in more detail, and to understand how it interacts with other risk factors such as English as a second language. Sparks (1999) has shown that factors, such as social class, are associated with educational attainment, amongst young children. However, it is less clear about what aspects of social class are causal, and not merely correlated (p 10), and there is a need to investigate the specific aspects of social class that maybe associated/causing educational difficulties for children. References Barnes J, Balky J, Broomfield K, Sana D, Frost M, Melhuish E and the National Evaluation of the Sure Start Research Team (2005)Disadvantaged but different: variation among deprived communities in relation to child and family well-being. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 46.9, pp. 952 – 962. Blanket D (1999) Excellence for the many, not just the few. CBI Presidential Address 19 July 1999 (DFEE, London). Buchanan-Burrow E and Barratt M (1998) Individual Differences in Children’s Understanding of the School. Social Development 7.2, pp250-268. Elmer N and Hana J (1993) Studying social representations in children: just old wine in new bottles? In G Break well and D Canter (ends)Empirical Approaches to Social Representatives (Oxford University Press, Oxford). Fiorina L, Rouse M, Black-Hawkins K and Jull S (2004) What can national data sets tell us about inclusion and pupil achievement. British Journal of Special Education 31.3, pp. 115 -121. Gallannaugh F and Dyson A (2003) Schools understanding of inclusion: issues in inclusion and social class. (British Educational Research Association Annual Conference, Edinburgh). Geertz S (2001) Cloning the Blair’s. Journal of Educational Policy 16.4, pp. 365-378. McCollum I (1993) Testing Seven Year Olds – performance and context. Population Advice Note, pp. 93-101 (London Research Centre, London) Reynolds D, Sammons P, Stoll P, Barber M and Hillman J (1996) School effectiveness and school improvement in the United Kingdom. School Effectiveness and School Improvement 7, pp. 133 – 158. Sammons P (1995) Gender, ethnic and socio-economic differences in attainment and progress: a longitudinal analysis of student achievement over 9 years. British Educational Research Journal 21.4, pp. 465-485. Sammons P and Sees R (1998) Measuring pupil progress at key stage one: using baseline assessment to investigate value added. School Leadership and Management 18.3, pp. 389 – 407. Sparks J (1999) Schools, Education and Social Exclusion. (Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, LSE, London). Stephen C and Cope P (2003) An Inclusive Perspective on Transition to Primary School. European Educational Research Journal 2.2, pp. 262 -275. Strand S (1997) Pupil Progress during Key Stage 1: A Value Added Analysis of School Effects. British Educational Research Journal 23.4,pp 471 – 487. Strand S (1999) Baseline assessment results at age 4: associations with pupil background factors. Journal of Research in Reading 22.1, pp. 14-26. The Plowden Report (1967) Children and their Primary Schools. (HMSO: London) Thomas S (1995) Considering primary school effectiveness: an analysis of 1992 Key Stage 1 results. The Curriculum Journal 6, pp. 279 – 295. West A, Pennell H, West A and Travers T (1999) The financing of school based education. (Centre for Educational Research, London). Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system This report considers recent research evidence related to inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, in relation to social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system. A definition of inclusive education relevant to early educational practice will be offered. A literature review will be undertaken, that will principally examine the size of the social class differences amongst young children, and will go on to consider a case study of inclusive practice that was implemented at one English primary school. Recommendations for future research are made. Introduction Since the publication of the Plowden Report in 1967, it has been apparent that social class has a profound effect on the educational achievement of primary school children. In the past two decades, there have been a number of specific legislative changes that have altered the shape of primary school education. With the Education Reform Act(1988), schools have been required to undertake standardised testing of7 year old children in English, Mathematics and Science subjects. Furthermore, schools have been required to publish controversial ‘league tables’ of performance, alongside national averages, in their school prospectus publications. There have been several policies introduced to reduce the effects of deprivation on young children including Sure Start, and a planned widening of availability of nursery education all in the name of ‘inclusive education’ (Barnes, Belsky,Broomfield, Dave et al, 2004, p 46-9). Indeed, Geertz (2001) has argued that New Labour policy makers strive to â€Å"make all families like middle-class families, or at least the ideal-typical middle class family of much educational research† (p 7). However, there is surprisingly little empirical research evidence available on inclusive education, or equality of opportunity in early educational settings, with most studies focussing on secondary school children. This is also regrettable since Sammons and Sees (1998) have clearly shown that at the age of seven, prior attainment accounts for 26-43% of variance in national assessment results (p 389 – 407). Therefore, early teaching support of children with special educational needs, or affected by poverty or difficult personal circumstances would appear to be of immense importance to prevent children who start school behind their peers from falling further behind as their school careers progress. This report will critically assess available empirical studies related to the education of children aged 7 years and below within the United Kingdom. Furthermore, it will examine theoretical and philosophical perspectives on early inclusive education, and make recommendations for further research. Method The search strategy employed for the literature review involved searching electronic bibliographical databases for relevant research and policy papers related to the topic of inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, and social class issues with English school pupils aged 7 and under. No date restrictions were imposed on the searches, although most papers that were located and subsequently considered in this literature review were published in the 1990’s and2000’s. The electronic bibliographical databases that were searched were ERIC, the British Education Index and Psych Lit. Abstracts for each paper were inspected on an individual basis to assess their relevance to the literature review. Research papers within the terms of the literature review were then obtained from various library sources. However, it was felt that much of the research on early inclusive education would be found in the grey literature. Therefore, the Education Line database of conference proceedings, provided by Leeds University, was also searched for relevant papers. Finally, a search of the websites of highly regarded academic educational research centres, and government official statistics, was undertaken and further relevant research reports were obtained this way. Literature Review Although ‘inclusive education’ has been the buzz word of the education sector for many years, there is a lack of clarity in its definition. It broadly includes reference to a schools receptivity to accommodate the needs of all its pupils, and be â€Å"more responsive to pupil diversity†(Fiorina, Rouse, Black-Hawkins and Jull (2004), p 118). Furthermore, Fiorina et al (2004) have argued that inclusion and achieving high standards are not necessarily mutually exclusive goals, with some schools achieving both (p 115). Stephen and Cope (2003) have further elaborated on the interpretation of inclusive education, drawing distinction between the individual model where the deprived pupil is seen as ‘the problem’ (p 274) to be moulded into the school system, towards a social model of inclusive education. The social model acknowledges that there may be individual characteristics of the child that need to be considered, but also consider the possible institutional and operational barriers that hinder children’s entry and integration into infant schools. In their study, children from middleclass homes were supported by parents when they started infant schoolboy practising numeracy and literacy at home, and through more proactive involvement in school activities (p 273). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have conducted a study of 25 practitioners working in three English LEA’s to assess what ‘inclusive education ‘development was possible in schools, and make sense of school responses to the inclusion agenda. Some teachers reported confusion over what ‘inclusive education’ was, since many official sources of information focussed on inclusion of children with special educational needs only(p 1). However, most teachers saw ‘inclusive education’ as provision for all children who were at risk of underachieving within the educational system, a version of inclusive education that is compatible with New Labour’s ‘social inclusion’ agenda ensuring that all members of society participate in the opportunities and activities of mainstream society (Blanket, 1999). A definition of inclusive education that attracted consensus amongst the teachers was â€Å"a set of broad values which we understood to be inclusive, and which we articulated as a commitment to equality, and increasing participation of all children (rather than one or other marginalised groups) in common education† (p 2). In synthesising research papers on social class related to early education, it is apparent that the term ‘social class’ has been interpreted in different ways by different authors. Sammons (1995) has highlighted that some researchers have attempted to â€Å"identify and separate the effects of different combinations of disadvantaging factors, noting that whilst not additive there is evidence of cumulative disadvantage (i.e. experiencing one factor such as low social class or low income on its own is less closely associated with low attainment than experiencing both these factors)† (p 467). Furthermore, Sparks (1999) has classified the different interpretations as including children from low income households, parental unemployment, paternal/ maternal occupation and inappropriate housing environment (p 10). She has examined research studies that look at each of these aspects, but only a few studies specifically examine the age range of 0 to 7 years. Pupils coming from a low income household, as indicated by eligibility for free school meals, appears to have marked effect on educational achievement at the age of 7 years and above (p 14). Furthermore, West, Pennell, West and Travers (1999) have shown that receipt of income support benefit by the household accounted for 66% of variance in educational achievement at a local authority level (p 10). Sparks (1999) has stated that â€Å"non-school factors are a more important source of variation in educational achievement than differences in the quality of education that students receive† (p 9).However, there is a broad consensus that schools can counteract some of the effects of social deprivation through inclusive educational practice. Indeed, empirical evidence suggests that schools have an independent effect of between 8% and 15%, and school effects are greater within the primary school sector (Reynolds, Sammons, Stoll, Barber et al, 1996 (p 140)). In the UK, research evidence on the effects of pre-school education are mixed (Sparks, 1999, p 12). However, research studies have indicated that when children receiving nursery education are compared to those receiving no nursery education, pre-school experience has a positive impact on achievement in national assessment tests at the age of seven (Sammons and Sees, 1998, p 400).However, poor families may not have access to quality services in areas where demand for nursery services is high. Middle class families, however, may have the advantage in that they can turn to the private sector provision where necessary. Smaller studies have shown an association between social class and early pupil attainment. However, stronger evidence is supplied by McCullum (1993) who compared aggregated Key Stage One results for local education authorities in England, against measures of social class obtained from the 1991 Social Census. This study clearly showed that social class, as evidenced through the number of social class 1 and 2individuals in the local population, showed a statistically significant and positive relationship with the Local Education Authority’s Key Stage One test scores, across all LEA’s sampled (p 95). Furthermore, Thomas (1995) has also shown how free school meal entitlement, and special educational needs, were strongly correlated with performance at Key Stage One (p 280). More recently, Sammons (1995) has studied 2000primary school children longitudinally at 50 ethnically diverse inner-city schools over a 9 year period. The children were monitored from the ages of 7 to 10 years. For the purpose of this report the results will be reported for the youngest of the cohort. The main purpose of the study was to assess primary schools effectiveness at developing cognitive and non-cognitive educational outcomes amongst children. Detailed records were kept on every child’s background characteristics such as ethnicity, socio-economic status and gender. For the purpose of the study, social class was measured as father’s occupation, and eligibility for free school meals. There were statistically significant differences in absolute attainment at ages 7, and above (p 479), with the biggest effect being in reading rather than mathematics performance. At 7 years, receiving free school meals accounted for just over 7% of variance in reading test performance, while having father working in an semi or unskilled profession accounted for 14.5%of variance, and having a father who was unemployed accounted for8.35%. However, for mathematics test performance, free school meals accounted for just 1.3% of variance, and having a father in a semi/unskilled profession accounted for 4.22% of variance while having father who was unemployed at the time of the study accounted for 2.57%of variance (p 471). This study was based on pupils attending primary schools in the decade of the 1980’s, and prior to the onset of the National Curriculum. It is the only longitudinal study of its kind that has been published using a British school population. With high statistical power afforded through the sample size, it is possible tube confident in the results. However, research studies are required that adopt a similar design but that are carried out now that the National Curriculum is an established format of educational provision within primary schools. Studies are also required that examine more dimensions of social class than the ‘outdated’ paternal occupation, and free school meals eligibility. In 1998, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority introduced a National Framework for Baseline Assessment for all pupils at the start of their school careers. The baseline assessment is a structured series of questions designed to assess pupils’ English ability, in terms of oral, reading and writing ability. In addition, early mathematical understanding is measured through a series of questions that require teachers to judge the ability of the child. Strand (1999) has studied the results of baseline testing of over 11,000 four year old children prior to their entry to primary school reception class. The data cover the period of 1993 to 1997, and are based at Wandsworth Local Education Authority in London. The results indicate that there are significant variations in baseline test score achievement based around a range of background factors such as age of child, gender, ethnicity and economic status. Measures of interest to the present literature review are length of preschool education by the pupil and entitlement to free school meals, which is the surrogate measure of social class used for baseline testing. Measures of attainment collected by the study were the LARR (Linguistic Awareness in Reading Readiness) test of emergent literacy and the teacher checklist described above. The results show statistically significant, strong correlations between school entrants on baseline measures and their subsequent overall Key Stage 1 achievement, in the region of 0.6 or above. Furthermore, the test battery are highly predictive of both English and Mathematics achievement in Key Stage 1 assessments in the individual subjects, with correlations in the region of 0.55 for mathematics, 0.55 for reading, and 0.49 for writing. The combination of the LARR objective measure of literacy, and the teacher checklist, together make the best overall indicator of later achievement for the children, compared to either test in isolation. Amount of preschool education received by children also significantly predicted Key Stage One achievement in all subjects. Furthermore, children in receipt of eligibility for free school meals were noted to score, on average, over five whole points less than their peers on baseline tests. Their mean scores were 29.7 (SD 11.4) compared to 34.9 (SD 12.2) for non-entitled children (p 20). In a further study, Strand (1997) tracked the educational progress of1669 Wands worth school children who had completed baseline assessments during 1992 and 1993. He considered the important of school effects, which is importance to social class considerations in the sense that schools are located in specific catchment areas that can be defined according the level of deprivation in the local community. The same assessment materials were used for this study as in Strand (1999). The pattern of achievement described for children eligible for free school meals at school entry was one where they started below other peers, in terms of baseline testing, and gradually fell further behind as time went by; as reflected in their Key Stage One performance (p 479). Composite measure of school effects of child performance at Key Stage One was taken to comprise of seven factors including gender ratio of school population, proportion of pupils with eligibility for free school meals and percentage of bilingual school pupils. Strand (1997)found that where there was a high rate of free school meal eligibility, this was one of the statistically significant factors, along with gender ratio and proportion of ESL pupils in school composite effects. â€Å"These compositional effects are significant even after each individual pupils baseline scores, sex, FSM entitlement and ESL background have been taken into account† (Strand, 1997, p 479). This means that school performance as a whole, as well as individual pupil progress, would appear to be associated with the proportion of free school meal claimants in the school population. Indeed, â€Å"It can be hypothesised that schools with a low proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils may have some benefits associated with their context: they may receive greater help from parents, have fewer disciplinary problems or an atmosphere more conducive to learning† (p 485). Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have considered how young children understand school, and how this is affected by socio-economic factors, along with gender and birth-order. They suggest, â€Å"The school constitutes, in microcosm, a multifaceted and multi-layered society with an extensive and complex system†¦in order to operate successfully in this system, the young pupil needs to acquire an understanding of the connections between such important system-concepts as rules, roles, power and community† (p 250). A total of 112 children were included in the study from the age of 5 and upwards, at two primary schools in London. The first school had a free school meal ratio of 3% and was therefore broadly classified as a middle class school. The second school had a much higher free school meal ratio of 49% and the intake population was largely working class. Parents and teachers completed questionnaires, and the children were interviewed about their understanding of the power structure in the school, and their attitudes towards their school. In general, young children had the most positive attitudes towards school of all children studied. Furthermore, there were no differences in the attitudes towards school by socio-economic class, but there was a significant correlation between child and parental views on the school. The importance of the head-teacher in the power structure was evident in the responses of all children, butane understanding of the purpose of the class teachers was patchy until the middle primary years. The researchers closely examined the responses of the children at both schools for social class effects on comprehension and understanding of the school. At the middle-class school, the responses of the children followed general age trend patterns where children’s knowledge and understanding increased with years. However, for the working-class school, the pattern of responses were more complicated. Children were much less likely to discuss the role of parents, and children in the organisation and function of school compared to children at the other school. This suggests that children are not feeling ‘included’ in school, with a strong sense of membership that children often report at the middle class school (p263). Examination of parental responses to the questionnaire revealed broadly similar responses between schools, but working class parents reported feeling more welcome at the school than middle class parents. As Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have suggested, â€Å"Since middleclass parents are likely to be readier to take issue, more assured of their ability to achieve their aims and better equipped to make their feelings known, it might be expected that the staff might be more wary of their interventions and less warm in their welcome. On the other hand, working class parents, without the same sense of empowerment, maybe seen as less threatening† (p 263). This is an important study in that it reveals age-trends in children’s understanding of school, and their place within the power structure and function of the school. According to Piaget cognitive theory, age-related differences in understanding are to be expected, as a combination of increased cognitive abilities with age. However, constructivism alone does not explain the individual differences in responses. The age related findings in the children’s responses may not be due to developmental changes in cognitive ability alone. In particular, social-interactional factors may have an important contribution to children’s understanding of the school, with parents, teachers and children’s interactions about the school being mediated by the age of the pupil. A social representation perspective would emphasise the individual differences in responses according to social class, gender and so forth (Elmer and Hana, 1993). However, this study showed that the acquisition of social knowledge and social understanding was more individual, than collective (p 265). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have provided a useful detailed case study of how inclusive education can work at improving primary schoolchildren’s educational achievements. They collected data from one primary school (‘Broad mead’) in an urban area, primarily serving families of the local council housing estate where the eligibility for free school meals was above national averages. The school decided to address the specific issue of underachievement in writing ability during Key Stage assessments. The school had identified a group of middle ability school pupils who were failing to meet national expectations. School staff did not feel that poor teaching maybe the cause of the problem, and many teachers cited specific and concerted efforts by teachers to improve writing standards using a range of teaching strategies. However, â€Å"the school’s response to the problem was to problematize some of its existing practices. To some extent, this appeared to be a result of the realisation that customary practice simply did not ‘work’ in the sense that despite all efforts to hone teaching skills, the school had apparently reached a ceiling in attainment† (p 3). The school had moved towards a more experimental approach in the curriculum, and included new teaching strategies to help pupil learning such as thinking skills techniques. However, the actual underlying purpose of introducing a specific intervention was unclear, with more emphasis on anxiety about school performance compared to national standards, as opposed to inclusion for all. Nevertheless, it represented a departure from standard practice. Over the course of the project, the experience of implementing new approaches and of their impact on children’s learning led teachers to rethink their ideas about educational/ personal outcomes that are important to children. The original aim had been to improve achievement standards in writing, but the intervention had also appeared to impact on child self-esteem, learning in other subject areas, and educational confidence. The teachers reported that they valued these additional attainments in their own right amongst their pupils. Teachers had identified that the children had very limited learning techniques and strategies, and had therefore decided to focus on teaching children how to learn, in parallel to the curriculum subjects. When the research team interviewed teachers about why they felt their pupils had struggled in writing skills, it was generally felt that the critical barrier to raising all aspects of literacy was due to the fact that children entered school with very limited language skills that affected their access to most subjects. The head teacher felt that ‘catch up ‘once they started school was insufficient to counter the effects of poor literacy environment at home, and lack of family communication about education at home. This lack of preparation for school was complicated by local cultural factors such as socialisation of boys from working class households into the role of the ‘northern lad’ who was expected to behave stereotypically, and not necessarily express an interest in education. In summary, â€Å"some children came to school from families where education was not valued, with limited experiences, and(particularly in primary schools) limited language skills† (p 5). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) provide two competing perspectives on the work at Broad mead primary school. In one sense, teachers were willing to implement new teaching strategies as they had ‘internalised’ the demands of the national curriculum and school assessment system, but also the characteristics of working class children that make them deficit (p 7). This could be regarded as anti-inclusive practice since it aimed to socialise working class children into middle class ideals. However, an alternative perspective on the work at Broadmeadis that the school resisted the pressure and constraints of current educational policy, and found time to try out alternative learning strategies, which children self-reported as beneficial. Furthermore, teachers’ deficit view of the working class children was increasingly challenged as they were equipped with new skills to allow them to demonstrate their true abilities. Conclusion Recent Government policy has moved towards emphasising inclusive education, particularly in the early years. However, there is a danger that policy will remain mere ‘rhetoric’ unless there is evidence based research to provide teachers with practical skills to provide equality of opportunity for their pupils. Research studies have consistently shown that working class children are regarded as the ‘problem’ that must be adapted to the middle class educational environment of the infant school classroom. However, a social model of inclusive education that acknowledges individual difficulties in adaptation, as well as institutional barriers to learning maybe a more constructive approach. Teachers working within English schools are constrained in the classroom by their need to meet national curriculum requirements, and achieve required standards from their pupils. Conversely, teachers recognise that some children enter infant school poorly prepared forth demands of formal education through their home backgrounds, and require additional support. Implementation of special strategies to enhance the language, communication and thinking skills of children, such as at Broad mead school, maybe one solution. However, children of lower social class backgrounds may require long term intervention if ‘inclusive education’ is truly ‘inclusive’ throughout their school careers. This literature review has revealed the lack of research studies to support teachers’ implementation of effective strategies to promote learning amongst young children from deprived backgrounds. To date, research studies have concentrated on identifying the size of the discrepancy in performance between school pupils. The next step is to develop longitudinal, vigorous research programmes within English infant schools to inform evidence-based teaching practice. Furthermore, there is a need to explore the concept of social class, and how it affects young children, in more detail, and to understand how it interacts with other risk factors such as English as a second language. Sparks (1999) has shown that factors, such as social class, are associated with educational attainment, amongst young children. However, it is less clear about what aspects of social class are causal, and not merely correlated (p 10), and there is a need to investigate the specific aspects of social class that maybe associated/causing educational difficulties for children. References Barnes J, Balky J, Broomfield K, Sana D, Frost M, Melhuish E and the National Evaluation of the Sure Start Research Team (2005)Disadvantaged but different: variation among deprived communities in relation to child and family well-being. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 46.9, pp. 952 – 962. Blanket D (1999) Excellence for the many, not just the few. CBI Presidential Address 19 July 1999 (DFEE, London). Buchanan-Burrow E and Barratt M (1998) Individual Differences in Children’s Understanding of the School. Social Development 7.2, pp250-268. Elmer N and Hana J (1993) Studying social representations in children: just old wine in new bottles? In G Break well and D Canter (ends)Empirical Approaches to Social Representatives (Oxford University Press, Oxford). Fiorina L, Rouse M, Black-Hawkins K and Jull S (2004) What can national data sets tell us about inclusion and pupil achievement. British Journal of Special Education 31.3, pp. 115 -121. Gallannaugh F and Dyson A (2003) Schools understanding of inclusion: issues in inclusion and social class. (British Educational Research Association Annual Conference, Edinburgh). Geertz S (2001) Cloning the Blair’s. Journal of Educational Policy 16.4, pp. 365-378. McCollum I (1993) Testing Seven Year Olds – performance and context. Population Advice Note, pp. 93-101 (London Research Centre, London) Reynolds D, Sammons P, Stoll P, Barber M and Hillman J (1996) School effectiveness and school improvement in the United Kingdom. School Effectiveness and School Improvement 7, pp. 133 – 158. Sammons P (1995) Gender, ethnic and socio-economic differences in attainment and progress: a longitudinal analysis of student achievement over 9 years. British Educational Research Journal 21.4, pp. 465-485. Sammons P and Sees R (1998) Measuring pupil progress at key stage one: using baseline assessment to investigate value added. School Leadership and Management 18.3, pp. 389 – 407. Sparks J (1999) Schools, Education and Social Exclusion. (Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, LSE, London). Stephen C and Cope P (2003) An Inclusive Perspective on Transition to Primary School. European Educational Research Journal 2.2, pp. 262 -275. Strand S (1997) Pupil Progress during Key Stage 1: A Value Added Analysis of School Effects. British Educational Research Journal 23.4,pp 471 – 487. Strand S (1999) Baseline assessment results at age 4: associations with pupil background factors. Journal of Research in Reading 22.1, pp. 14-26. The Plowden Report (1967) Children and their Primary Schools. (HMSO: London) Thomas S (1995) Considering primary school effectiveness: an analysis of 1992 Key Stage 1 results. The Curriculum Journal 6, pp. 279 – 295. West A, Pennell H, West A and Travers T (1999) The financing of school based education. (Centre for Educational Research, London).

Thorn Queen Chapter Twelve

Kiyo took off as soon as we got back to Tucson, saying he had to go to work. He also added that I shouldn't expect him later that night since he'd promised Maiwenn he'd come visit. Normally, that would have set my mood plummeting-and I won't lie, I wasn't thrilled as it was-but after last night, I felt superior and confident in my position with him at the moment. Somehow, I doubted he'd be looking at Maiwenn with the same awe he kept regarding me after I'd ridden him to exhaustion last night. If the crossroads in Yellow River-which we'd visited before heading out of town-had only yielded some answers this morning, I would have considered the trip a resounding success. â€Å"Nice of you to spend some time around here,† Tim told me when I emerged from the shower. As usual, he appeared to be cooking something. â€Å"What's that?† I asked, watching him roll out dough. â€Å"Cinnamon rolls,† he replied. â€Å"The second batch I've had to make, thanks to someone raiding the kitchen while they cooled.† He shot a glare over in the direction of one of the dogs-Yang, I thought-lying under the table. Yang looked extremely pleased with himself. â€Å"Sorry,† I said, even though it wasn't exactly my fault. Tim finished rolling out the dough and sprinkled the surface with a mixture of cinnamon and brown sugar. â€Å"And don't think you're going to change the subject about never being around.† I found a Coke in the refrigerator and sat down, a little irritated over the scolding. â€Å"Well, sorry you miss my company, but I don't really see how it matters. Our deal is you live here rent-free in exchange for cooking and cleaning. Me not being here means you have less work. Besides, I've had things to do.† He scowled. â€Å"Yeah, I suppose. But do your ‘things' actually involve your job-the one that gets the mortgage paid? Your secretary called last night and said you missed an appointment. And you know, dealing with her isn't part of my rental agreement.† Despite having never met, Tim and my receptionist, Lara, had an antagonistic relationship over the phone. I had no time to give to their drama today, though. The other news was too startling. â€Å"I did what?† I took out my phone, which also doubled as my planner. In addition to two missed calls from Lara, I discovered I had indeed missed an appointment for a banishing last night. I'd been so fixated on my quest in Yellow River that I'd totally forgotten I had it. â€Å"Shit,† I muttered, dialing Lara's number. As keen as I was on these missing girls, Tim had a point-my human jobs paid the bills. Not the gentry ones. â€Å"What happened?† demanded Lara as soon as she answered. No hello. â€Å"I got distracted by something else,† I said. â€Å"I'm really sorry. You think we can reschedule? Give them a discount or something?† â€Å"Probably,† she conceded. â€Å"I mean, it's not like they've got many other options to get rid of a ghost. In the meantime, though, I've got some other pending clients.† I hesitated. Normally, I wouldn't think twice about accepting as many jobs as I could. It was good for my bank account and a good deed for the world. With as much as the Otherworld was preoccupying me, however, I couldn't afford losing the time right now-or possibly missing another appointment. â€Å"Reschedule the one I missed and book only one of the others. Tell the rest we have to wait-list them.† Lara was silent for several seconds. â€Å"Are you serious?† â€Å"Afraid so.† She sighed. â€Å"Okay. You can still pay my salary, though, right?† â€Å"Yes,† I laughed. â€Å"I haven't gone bankrupt yet.† â€Å"Okay then.† She sounded only moderately pacified. â€Å"But for the record? Your roommate needs to learn some manners. He was a total asshole when I called last night.† Before we disconnected, Lara made sure to remind me about two jobs I had later that day. She wouldn't get off the phone until I repeated the times and places back to her. I was just as eager to take care of them as she was, as sort of a mental retribution for the missed one from last night. I'd never forgotten a job before. My career might be an unusual one, but I still considered myself a professional and didn't want to start falling into bad habits as a result of all this Thorn Queen business. And yet†¦as soon as I finished those jobs, I had to send myself back to the Otherworld. I only intended it to be a quick visit, though. I simply needed to check Shaya's progress and find out if the runaway girl had been located. Questioning her would make this whole search and rescue a lot easier and let me get on with my human life. The news wasn't good, however. â€Å"No sign,† said Rurik, once I hunted him down in the castle. I'd found him in a compromising position with one of the cooks. â€Å"We've got people scouring the area but haven't had any luck. We did, however, find where those bandits have relocated. Do you want us to go after them?† I hesitated. I did want to round them up, both to take the pressure off the villages and see if they knew anything about the girls that my prisoners hadn't. In the end, I shook my head. If they still had that fire demon summoner, I didn't want to go after them until we had an overwhelming show of strength. â€Å"No. Not yet. Just keep looking for the runaway.† I gave a sidelong glance toward the kitchen, into which the woman whose skirt he'd just had his hand up had disappeared. â€Å"You know, if it's not too much of an inconvenience.† At least the news from Shaya was good. The supplies Dorian had sent me home with had been shipped out, and apparently Leith had contacted her to say that after going through the irrigation book, he had some ideas for us. Naturally, he wanted to meet with me again. I suspected an ulterior motive, but it was something I'd happily endure to keep the food coming. I at least felt like Leith's intentions were easier to understand than Dorian's-and that I was a lot less likely to yield to temptation along the way. I sent the young prince a message back, saying I'd love to meet with him. On impulse, I also asked if he had anyone who might be capable of summoning water demons. Once that chore was done, I made motions to go back to Tucson. â€Å"Well? Are we going to get this done with or not?† I turned around, surprised to see Ysabel standing there in the hallway, hands on her hips. I'd been heading out toward the courtyard to do a little communion with the land before returning home. The heat was sweltering, as usual, and most of the women around here had taken to wearing light, gauzy gowns, often with short or no sleeves-not unlike the dress I'd worn to Maiwenn's party. Ysabel had made no such concessions and stood clothed in a green velvet gown, complete with long bell sleeves. The color looked stunning with her hair, but I knew she had to be miserable. â€Å"Get what done with?† She threw up her hands in exasperation. â€Å"This†¦tutorial. Or whatever it is my lord sent me here to do.† Oh, right. I hadn't forgotten Ysabel, exactly. I'd just kind of tried to pretend she didn't exist, in a feeble (and futile) hope that she might just disappear. No such luck. â€Å"Sorry,† I said, returning her hard look. â€Å"I don't really have time.† â€Å"You promised Dorian,† warned Ysabel. â€Å"And until you do this, I can't leave this godsforsaken place. I want to go home.† I shrugged and turned away. â€Å"We can't always get what we want. Kind of like that song. God knows I haven't.† I'd barely taken one step when a huge gust of wind shot toward my back, whipping my hair in front of me and rustling the tapestries on the wall. I immediately came to a halt and looked back at her. Her expression was both smug and hostile. â€Å"What's the matter? Afraid you can't keep up with me?† Charming. The old baiting tactic. She was hoping to get her way by playing on my pride. It was like the lamest trick in the book†¦except, well, it was kind of working. Okay, it was more than just my pride here. I was succumbing to temptation. With hardly any effort, Ysabel had just nearly knocked me over. It was more than I could do-much more-and her power nowhere near matched mine. If I had that kind of mastery, I could create hurricanes and blow apart buildings. Being in full possession of my magic would make me a god. That shouldn't have mattered. I shouldn't have wanted that†¦but some secret part of me did. Well, not the god part. But certainly the rest. Power like that could help my people, I tried to convince myself. â€Å"Okay. Let's get this over with then.† I acted like getting rid of her was my only concern-not that that wasn't a huge motivating factor. This castle, I was finding, was filled with rooms-most of which didn't seem to have much use. Most of the servants and guards had their own quarters, still leaving a ton of rooms unoccupied and gathering dust. I really only had need of my meeting room and parlor when I was there, and the rest had thus far stayed unused. The parlor was apparently being cleaned, so on impulse, I led Ysabel to one of the abandoned rooms. It had a river-rock fireplace that wasn't going to see use anytime soon, but the striped brocade furniture hadn't accrued too much dust. I flounced down onto a chair, arms crossed and posture defensive. â€Å"Okay. Make this fast.† Ysabel examined her sofa carefully before easing down and spreading her voluminous skirts around her. She crossed her hands on her lap, and if not for the expression on her face that said she wanted to rip me apart, I would have said she looked dainty and ladylike. â€Å"Dorian says I'm to teach you to improve your power with air.† â€Å"Something like that.† She eyed me critically. â€Å"Before we begin, I want it made abundantly clear that I am not doing this by choice.† â€Å"Really? I hadn't noticed.† Her lips curled into a sneer at my sarcasm. â€Å"I don't know what Dorian sees in you. You think you're so clever and witty when really, you're just a plain, uncouth human.† â€Å"Half-human,† I corrected. â€Å"And plain or not, your boyfriend-and, like, every other guy around here-would give up his right arm to get me into bed.† I really shouldn't have provoked her like that. Not only was it mean, it was also going to make this whole magic lesson probably even more unbearable. â€Å"Believe me, it's through no charm of your own. It's only the prophecy and your alleged breeding ability, and once that's run its course, well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She demurely smoothed the wrinkles out of her skirt, not that there really were any. â€Å"It's only your child anyone will have interest in, not you.† â€Å"Sorry to disappoint you, but there isn't going to be a child.† Not as long as my doctor kept prescribing me birth control pills. Ysabel looked up, face filled with skepticism. â€Å"Oh? Then why are you with the†¦kitsune?† She said kitsune like it was a dirty word. Dorian often did too, though he did it mostly to irritate me. I think Ysabel legitimately looked down on Kiyo. â€Å"If you really are a queen†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She looked skeptical over this as well. â€Å"†¦then why lower yourself by taking him as a consort? The only reason you would have is in the hopes of him fathering a child on you, just as he did Maiwenn. Clearly, he's proven his virility†¦which might be of particular concern to you. You claim you're trying not to conceive, but perhaps that's a lie to hide the fact that you can't.† â€Å"What? That's insane!† â€Å"Whereas I†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She ran her hands proudly along the sides of her hips. â€Å"†¦have already bore two children.† Whoa. That was startling-and a point of pride for her, no doubt, considering the gentry fertility issue. â€Å"To whom?† For some reason, the thought that it might be Dorian bothered me. â€Å"My husband. He was killed years ago in battle.† She frowned slightly, the first sign of soft emotion I'd seen on her. In a flash, her normal bitchy expression returned. â€Å"They live with my parents right now and are healthy and strong. My lord Dorian knows I can undoubtedly have more. That's why he cast you aside for me, forcing you to turn to the kitsune for your fleeting chances of offspring.† â€Å"That's not what Dorian and I-never mind. Look, for the last time, I'm not with Kiyo to get pregnant, okay? I'm with him because I love him.† She sniffed. â€Å"I find that unlikely. If you just wanted a lover for pleasure, you would pine for my lord. No other man can match his skills in the bedroom. When he binds my hands in ropes or paints my flesh, I find no greater ecstasy than-â€Å" â€Å"Whoa, just stop,† I said, holding up both hands. This entire conversation was grating on my last nerve. â€Å"I do not want to hear any details about your sex life with Dorian, okay? That is not part of this deal. No part at all. I don't want to-wait. Did you say something about painting?† A sly smile lit her features. â€Å"My lord has a great appreciation for art. Often, before we make love, I'll lie naked before him and let him use my body as a canvas. He will spend hours adorning my flesh with color and design, often using the paintbrush as a means to pleasure me and-â€Å" â€Å"Okay, okay. I'm sorry I asked.† As the words left my lips, though, it shocked me that I could envision what she was describing perfectly. Dorian's magic lessons had often involved tying me up-the necessity of which I was never 100 percent certain of-and he would spend a large amount of that time weaving the silken cords that bound me. He'd arrange them in interesting patterns and color formations, consumed by the process itself. Somehow, I imagined him being the same with paint. I could see his face lost in thought as he painted flowers or suns or whatever, his clever, sensual hands taking their time as they lightly touched my body†¦. No, not my body. Ysabel's. I had no part of this. â€Å"Let's get this done with,† I said gruffly, hoping she wouldn't guess my thoughts. â€Å"Then we can both go home.† â€Å"Very well then. So, you need my help because you're weak.† â€Å"That's not entirely true.† Jesus Christ. It was all going to be like this, wasn't it? â€Å"I have a lot of power. I know how to control and use water magic-though I guess I could be better. Everyone assumes I must have inherited wind magic too, but so far†¦well, I've only been able to use it once.† â€Å"You may simply be deficient,† she said lightly. Her eyes flicked to my chest. â€Å"Like in so many other ways. But we shall see.† It kind of went on like that for a while. Every other sentence of hers was a barb. Yet, a lot of what she explained to me sounded similar to what Dorian had said, which at least gave me some confidence that she wasn't bullshitting me. In particular, she kept trying to describe how I could reach out and feel different types of air-just as Dorian used to encourage me to do with water. Unfortunately, it had taken a very long time to do that with water, and I felt a little pessimistic about history repeating itself. â€Å"There are different types,† she kept saying. â€Å"Don't try to sense them all. Focus small.† â€Å"What do you mean different types of air?† About an hour had gone by at that point, and I was growing weary and longing for Tucson. â€Å"Air is air,† I argued. â€Å"Spoken like a savage,† she remarked. â€Å"Perhaps we should just end this and tell my lord we fulfilled our promise to try.† I gritted my teeth. â€Å"Just explain it one more time.† She shrugged. â€Å"There are different types of air.† When she offered no more, I began to agree with her. It might be best to abandon this after all. A few moments later, though, she elaborated. â€Å"There is different air around plants. Different air after we exhale. Different air when the land is foggy. Not that you'd understand that in this wretched place.† My eyes widened. â€Å"Gas. Molecules. That's what you mean.† Now she was the one wearing the confused expression. â€Å"The different types of air,† I continued, excited in spite of myself. â€Å"You're saying the magic depends on feeling each kind†¦oxygen, hydrogen, carbon dioxide†¦.† I was speaking a foreign language. Ysabel seemed as confused as ever, but by this point, I was running away without her. It made sense. Dorian's entire teaching method had been built on baby steps. It had started with me sensing a bucket of water and culminated in me using the water in Aeson's body to blow him apart. Starting at the molecular level with air seemed daunting, but the human in me clung to the science. And as I sat there, I began to expand my mind out, much as I did when preparing to use water magic. Air had always remained blank and untouchable, yet as I began to simply focus on a tiny part of it, it became more manageable. I thought about Ysabel's breathing-oxygen in, carbon dioxide out. The world slowed down to a heartbeat, one breath at a time†¦. I'm not sure how long I sat like that. I lost track of where I was or even if she said anything else to me. Only her breathing mattered. At last, I could sense the differences, the changes in the air coming in and coming out. As she exhaled, my mind scooped up the air-the carbon dioxide-leaving her lips and flung it as I would a ball. My control was imprecise; I had no real target. The air brushed past her shoulder, ruffling her hair. â€Å"You†¦you touched it,† she said grudgingly, clearly surprised. I was alive and burning with energy now, too consumed by what I was doing to answer her. Using magic always set my senses ablaze, made the world seem more vibrant and real. I wanted to do the trick again but decided to see if I could work it the opposite way and exert control over a different type of air-oxygen. I waited again to get a feel for her breathing, letting my mind actually sense the different particles in the air. When I felt certain I could grasp the oxygen, I did-just as she was about to inhale. Ysabel began to cough, her hands going to her throat as she tried to draw breath. Sucking the oxygen away meant, well, that she couldn't inhale it. I froze in my surprise at the obvious yet not entirely unreasonable consequences-so much so that I couldn't stop what I did. I was just†¦stunned. I was controlling air. The magic burned through me, and her oxygen just kept flowing away and away. It obeyed my commands, and I didn't have the coherent reasoning to cut it off. After several seconds that felt like years, the realization of what I was doing suddenly penetrated my higher reasoning. I finally cut off the magic, letting go of my hold on her oxygen. By then, Ysabel had fallen to her knees in a desperate attempt to get air-and probably because she was starting to lose consciousness too. At last, free of the magic, she drew a large, shaking breath, face pale and terrified. A few moments later, when she'd recovered herself, she looked at me accusingly. â€Å"You-you tried to suffocate me!† â€Å"No!† I exclaimed, aghast. â€Å"I†¦I didn't. I'm sorry. I wasn't thinking. I was just trying to control the air†¦.† She stood up, and where once her face had been pale, it was now flushed with anger. She was shaking. â€Å"You deceived Dorian. You already know how to use this kind of magic. This is all part of some elaborate plot.† â€Å"No, no,† I said, standing as well. â€Å"I've never used it before-except once and only for a few seconds.† â€Å"I don't believe you. What you just did†¦you couldn't have done that if you were as inexperienced as you pretended to be!† What I'd done-aside from the fact it could have killed her-didn't seem like it was that big a deal. I'd sensed air and moved it. It was hardly a hurricane, and it had taken a lot of concentration-so much so that I didn't think I could repeat it anytime soon. I hardly had the effortless control she exerted over the wind. â€Å"I'm sorry†¦I really am. I didn't mean to hurt you. It was an accident.† Ysabel's only answer was a scowl, just before she stormed out of the room. As she passed me, I thought I saw both fear and tears in her eyes. Despite her bravado, I realized that what had seemed more like anger in her was actually terror. She was in the home of someone she saw as a rival, someone with a reputation as a warrior and a tyrant-and someone who had just tried to kill her. She was trapped here by Dorian's orders. â€Å"A terrifying feat, your majesty,† a voice near the doorway said. I took a few steps forward and saw Shaya standing just outside in the hall, her pretty face grim. â€Å"It was an accident,† I said, surprised at the trembling in my voice. â€Å"I don't like her, but I don't want to hurt her.† â€Å"I know.† Shaya's expression turned both gentle and sad. â€Å"But her fear isn't unfounded. You learned that too quickly and too well.† â€Å"It was easy! It's the same as moving water around or any other type of air.† â€Å"From what I understand, stealing someone's breath-denying them air-is harder than simply creating breezes. You're fighting against life itself. Those who suffocate others in this way usually require great strength and stamina. For you to be able to do it already†¦well, it's a testament to your power-and that's nearly as frightening as the act itself.† The full impact hit me. â€Å"Wait†¦there are people who do that on purpose? Steal someone's air so they can't breathe?† She shrugged. â€Å"Well, to those with the skill, suffocation's an effective weapon.† â€Å"It's sick†¦it's an inhumane way to die.† â€Å"I agree. And most people don't have that kind of strength, so it's not an issue. Among those who do have the strength, most would never consider doing it to another person, enemy or no.† I groaned. â€Å"Well, if that's true, then she has to understand that I wouldn't purposely do it to her either. She has to believe that it was an accident.† â€Å"I don't think you're going to have a lot of luck with that.† â€Å"Why not?† â€Å"Because while most consider such torture unusually cruel, there was one person who enjoyed denying someone their breath-and who frequently used it as a form of execution and entertainment.† Shaya's look was meaningful. â€Å"Tirigan Storm King.†